Chapter 27
Section 27 of Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, December 1827. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Read by Dan McNellan. Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, December 1827. By the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Section 27. Report of Colonel McKenney from the Office of Indian Affairs, November 29, 1827.
By Thomas L. McKenney. E. From Colonel McKenney to the Secretary of War, Department of War, Office of Indian Affairs, November 29, 1827. I proceed immediately on my return, deferring my general report on the various subjects connected with my recent tour, to another period, to submit in brief, as promised in my communication to you from Milledgeville in Georgia of the 17th,
the conclusions I have arrived at in regard to the policy which I respectfully suggest should prevail in our intercourse with the Indians. I refer especially to that branch of it which embraces the question of emigration and settlement, without the states and territories, and upon lands from which they will never again be requested to remove. These remarks will be confined to the four southern tribes generally, but especially to the Creeks. Hitherto, the propositions on this subject, as on most others, have been made and concluded under the form of treaties,
and there can be no question but so far as the past is concerned, that mode was the best. It was best because the propositions were never unjust or unreasonable, and because the Indians themselves received them in the spirit in which they were conveyed, free from those intervening and counteracting agencies which have of late years been so industriously employed, and now work so busily and selfishly in governing their decisions,
and which seldom fail in fixing these in opposition to the policy of the government, or in the exaction of such terms as are inadmissible. This influence has become paramount among the Creeks, and to it may be attributed in great part, if not wholly, the difficulties which have lain in the way of an earlier settlement of the recent Creek controversy. In proof of this, I have only to remark that it was not until I had met the Creeks and the third council that I could succeed with them, nor then until in their midst I demonstrated the cupidity and bad councils of one of those interfering agents,
and assuming the responsibility, broke him on the spot by announcing in the name of the President of the United States, that for the reasons then assigned, no communication of any sort would be received by the President from the Creek Nation, if that man had any agency whatever in it. This broke the spell of their opposition, and the agreement was made. I have come to the conclusion, I refer now mainly to the Creeks, and from close and personal observation,
that no treaty can be concluded with these people as such, and that whatever may be attempted in this way, will be with persons not of the Creek Nation, but such as have artfully insinuated themselves into their confidence, and who govern their councils. From this may be inferred the ignorance and weakness of the Creeks, and their inference is just. Conscious of their own inefficiency to manage for themselves their concerns, they have yielded to this state of dependence on others. But this is not all. They are a wretched people. Poverty and distress are visible everywhere,
and these have become entailed upon them by habitual drunkenness. No man who has the feelings of a man can go through their country and see their total abandonment to this vice, without emotions of the most painful kind. I hold their recovery from it, and from its long train of miseries, whilst they retain their present relations to the states, to be hopeless. No human agency can reform them as a people. It is vain to try. They are a devoted people, and destruction lies just before them.
Humanity and justice unite in calling loudly upon the government as a parent, promptly to interfere and save them. They feel the miseries of their condition, and many of them look most imploringly for help. I believe they would submit cheerfully to be guided by the government in regard to any new relations, which it might be thought proper to establish for them. But those influences, under the direction of which they have placed themselves, would counteract the kindest designs, unless the measures which may be adopted for bettering their condition
shall be accompanied by a power that shall cause those interested people to cease their interfering agencies. And this, in my opinion, is within the range of a sound policy, nor will the exercise of it conflict with any of the great principles upon which rest justice or mercy or the freedom of the citizen. It will be found to lie, first, in the preparation of a suitable and none other should be offered to them, and last, home for these unfortunate people, and second, in providing suitable means and support for their transportation, and taking them kindly but firmly by the hand, and telling them they must go and enjoy it.
And lastly, in letting those persons who interfere in such matters know that the object of the government being kind to the Indians and intended wholly to better their condition, its determination is final, and that no persons will be permitted with impunity to interfere in it, to sustain this last position, the presence of a few troops only would be required. I would have it distinctly understood that a reasonable number of reservations should be granted, and that they should be given in fee, simple to those who might prefer to remain. This policy applies in its fullest extent to the Creeks.
I confine it in this extent to this people, not because it is not in a great degree applicable to others, but because I consider the way to be wide open for the Chickasaws and Choctaws, and therefore no illustrations in reference to them are needed. In regard to these, the Chickasaws and Choctaws, I believe it will only be required to make the provision, and as has been more fully explained in my reports of the 10th and 17th of October, marked A, B, and C, and they will go. I believe also the greater portion of the Cherokees would follow, and upon a bare exposition of the plan which has been recommended,
the establishment of a suitable system for their transportation and an invitation to them to go and join their brothers. I did not, as you are aware, visit the Cherokees. It was my wish to have seen them, and in pursuance of your instructions made known the views and wishes of the government to them also. My time, I found, would not hold out, and if it had been longer, I must have arrived in their country at the period when the commissioners were engaged in negotiating for the privilege of uniting by means of a canal through their country,
the waters of Canasego and Hiawasi, and I should have deemed it prudent, even with time enough to have visited them, not to distract their councils by calling off their attention to any other subject. Of the Cherokees, it is due that I should speak from my knowledge obtained, however, otherwise than by personal observation in terms of high commendation. They have done much for themselves. It has been their good fortune to have had, born among them, some great men.
Of these, the late Charles Hicks stood preeminent. Under his wisdom, which was guided by virtues of a rare quality, these people have been elevated in privileges of every local description, high above their neighbors. They seek to be a people, and to maintain by law and good government those principles which remain the security of persons, defend the rights of property, etc.
They deserve to be respected and to be helped, but with the kindness, regards to them, and with a firm conviction in the propriety and truth of the remark, they ought not to be encouraged in forming a constitution and government within a state of the republic to exist and operate independently of our laws. The sooner they have the assurance given them that this cannot be permitted, the better it will be for them.
If they will agree to come at once under our laws and be merged as citizens in our privileges, would it be objected against? But if they will not, then no people of all the Indians within our limits are better qualified to go into a territory such as it is proposed to provide for our Indians, and by their superior lights confer under a suitable form of government benefits upon the Indian race.
They are wise enough, I think, to see this, and magnanimous enough to undertake it. For my own part, I am solicitous for their happiness and prosperity, and being conscious that their hopes must rest ultimately upon such a home as the Chickasaws have, with such a display of wisdom determined to go and provide for themselves. I cannot but believe that a great majority of the Cherokees will consent to join them.
In conclusion, I respectfully suggest that a suitable provision be made by the Congress to be placed at the disposition of the Executive first for defraying the expense of the Chickasaws, who have agreed to go and look for a country, and with a view to its occupancy upon the terms which they have stipulated, and as will be seen on referring to my report of the 10th of October, Mark B., herewith submitted, and of the six Choctaws who are, by the assent of their nation, to go with them.
This I had estimated at $10,000, but this estimate was confined to the Chickasaws. I would suggest that $5,000 more be added, making $15,000 for this object. Through this may be added for the present $100,000 to be made applicable in the discretion of the Executive to the object of Indian emigration generally. It will be time enough after the country is chosen to provide the means to extinguish the title or titles
of the present occupants and for other objects connected with the plan of settling it, etc., as proposed. Various illustrations might be added, confirming, in my view of it, the importance of the policy which I have only glanced at, and these should have been added, but for want of time. Enough, only I find to be left for me to run out this meager outline, which is respectfully submitted for your better judgment, and if it be your pleasure, to the wisdom of Congress.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedience servant, Thomas L. McKenney, to the Honorable James Barber, Secretary of War. End of Section 27 End of Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs December 1827 by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs
