Chapter 8
CHAPTER IV. To Bishop Andrews he sent also in manuscript another piece belonging to the same plan, the deeply impressive treatise called Visa et Cagittata. What Francis Bacon had seen of nature and knowledge and what he had come by meditation to think of what he had seen. The letter is not less interesting than the last in respect to the writer's purposes,
his manner of writing, and his relations to his correspondent. My very good lord, now your lordship hath been so long in the church and the palace disputing between kings and popes, methinks you should take pleasure to look into the field and refresh your mind with some matter of philosophy, though that science be now through age waxed a child again, and left to boys and young men. And because you were
wont to make me believe you took liking to my writings, I send you some of this vacation's fruits, and thus much more of my mind and purpose. I hasten not to publish, perishing I would prevent, and I am forced to respect as well my times as the matter. For with me it is thus, and I think with all men in my case, if I bind myself to an argument it loadeth my mind. But if I rid my mind of the present cogitation, it is rather a recreation. This
hath put me into these miscellanies, which I purpose to suppress, if God give me leave to write a just and perfect volume of philosophy, which I go on with, though slowly. I send not your lordship too much, lest it may glut you. Now let me tell you what my desire is. If your lordship be so good now as when you were the good dean of Wisminster, my request to you is not that by pricks but by notes you
would mark unto me whatsoever shall seem unto you either not current in the style, or harsh to credit and opinion, or inconvenient for the person of the writer. For no man can be judge and party, and when our minds judge by reflection of ourselves they are more subject to error. And though for the matter itself my judgment be in some things fixed, and not accessible by any man's judgment that goeth not my way, yet even in those things the admonition
of a friend may make me express myself diversely. I would have come to your lordship, but that I am hastening to my house in the country, and so I commend your lordship to God's goodness. There was yet another production of this time which we have noticed from himself in a letter to Toby Matthews, the curious and ingenious little treatise on the wisdom of the ancients, one of the most popular of his works, says Mr. Spedding, in his own and in the next generation,
but of value to us mainly for its quaint poetical colour and the unexpected turns like answers to a riddle given to the ancient fables. When this work was published it was the third time that he had appeared as an author in print. He thus writes about it and himself. Mr. Matthews, I do heartily thank you for your letter of the 24th of August from Salamanca, and in recompense thereof I send you a little work of mine that hath begun to pass the world.
They tell me my Latin is turned into silver and become current. Had you been here you should have been my Inquisitor before it came forth, but I think the greatest Inquisitor in Spain will allow it. My great work goeth forward, and after my manner I alter ever when I add, so that nothing is finished till all be finished. From Gray's Inn, the 17th of February, 1610. In the autumn of 1611 the Attorney General
was ill, and Bacon reminded both the King and Salisbury of his claim. He was afraid, he writes to the King, with an odd forgetfulness of the persistency and earnestness of his applications, that by reason of my slowness to sue, and apprehend occasions upon the sudden, keeping one plain course of painful service, I may in fine dirum be in danger to be neglected and forgotten. The Attorney recovered, but Bacon, on New Year's tide of 1611-1612, wrote
to Salisbury to thank him for his good will. It is the last letter of Bacon's to Salisbury which has come down to us. It may please your good Lordship. I would entreat the New Year to answer for the old in my humble thanks to your Lordship, both for many your favors, and chiefly that upon the occasion of Mr. Attorney's infirmity I found your Lordship even as I would wish.
This doth increase a desire in me to express my thankful mind to your Lordship, hoping that though I find age and decays grow upon me, yet I may have a flash or two of spirit left to do you service. And I do protest before God, without compliment or any light vein of mine, that if I knew in what course of life to do you best service, I would take it, and make my thoughts, which now fly to many pieces, be reduced to that center. But
all this is no more than I am, which is not much, but yet the entire of him that is. In the following May, May 24th, 1612, Salisbury died. From this date James passed from government by a minister who, whatever may have been his faults, was laborious, public-spirited, and a statesman, into his own keeping, and into the hands of favorites, who cared only for themselves. With Cecil ceased the traditions of the days of Elizabeth and Burgley. In
many ways evil and cruel traditions, but not ignoble and sordid ones. And James was left without the stay, and also without the check, which Cecil's power had been to him. The field was open for new men and new ways. The fashions and ideas of the time had altered during the last ten years, and those of the Queen's days had gone out of date. Would the new turn out for the better or the worse? Bacon at any rate saw the significance of the change, and
the critical eventfulness of the moment. It was his habit of old to send memorials of advice to the heads of government, apparently without such suggestions seeming more intrusive or officious than a leading article seems now, and perhaps with much the same effect. It was now a time to do so, if ever, and he was in official relation to the King, which entitled him to proffer advice. He had once prepared to lay his thoughts before the King,
to suggest that he could do far better service than Cecil, and was ready to take his place. The policy of the great contract had certainly broken down, and the King, under Cecil's guidance, had certainly not known how to manage an English Parliament. In writing to the King he found it hard to satisfy himself. Several draft letters remain, and it is not certain which of them, if any, was sent. But immediately on Salisbury's death he began, May 29th, a
letter in which he said that he had never yet been able to show his affection to the King, having been as a hawk tied to another's fist. And if, as was said to one that spake great words, emissary verbatua desiderant civitatem, your majesty, say to me, bacon your words require a place to speak them. Yet that place, or not place, was with the King. But the draft breaks off abruptly, and with the date of the 31st we have the
following. Your Majesty hath lost a great subject and a great servant, but if I should praise him in propriety I should say that he was a fit man to keep things from growing worse. But no very fit man to reduce things to be much better. For he loved to have the eyes of all Israel a little too much upon himself, and to have all business still under the hammer,
like clay in the hands of the potter, to mould it as he thought good, so that he was more in apparitioni than in auperi. And though he had fine passages of action, yet the real conclusions came slowly on. So that although your majesty hath grave counsellors and worthy persons left, yet you do as it were turn a leaf, wherein your majesty shall give a frame and constitution to matters before you place the persons in my simple opinion it were not
amiss. But the great matter and most instant for the present is the consideration of a Parliament, for two effects, the one for the supply of your estate, the other for the better knitting of the hearts of your subjects unto your majesty, according to your infinite merit, for both which Parliaments have been and are the antient and honourable remedy. Now because I take myself to have a little skill in that region, as one that ever affected
your majesty, might in all your causes not only prevail, but prevail with satisfaction of the inner man. And though no man can say that I was a perfect and peremptory royalist, yet every man makes me believe that I was never one hour out of credit with the lower house. My desire is to know whether your majesty will give me leave to meditate and propound unto you some preparative remembrances touching the future Parliament.
Whether he sent this or not, he prepared another draft. What had happened in the meanwhile we know not, but Bacon was in a bitter mood, and the letter reveals for the first time what was really in Bacon's heart about the great subject and great servant of whom he had just written so respectfully, and with whom he had been so closely connected for most of his life. The fierceness which had been gathering for years of neglect and hindrance
under that placid and patient exterior broke out. He offered himself as Cecil's successor in business of state. He gave his reason for being hopeful of success. Cecil's bitterest enemy could not have given it more bitterly. My principle and being to do your majesty's service, I crave leave to make at this time to your majesty this most humble oblation of myself. I may truly say with a psalm, Maltem
in cola fuet anima mea, for my life hath been conversant in things wherein I take little pleasure. Your majesty may have heard somewhat that my father was an honest man, and somewhat you may have seen of myself, though not to make any true judgment by, because I have hitherto had only potestatum verborum, nor that neither. I was three of my young years bred with an ambassador in France, and since I have been an old truant in the schoolhouse
of your council chamber, though on the second form, yet longer than any that now sitteth hath been upon the head form. If your majesty find any aptness in me, or if you find any scarcity in others, whereby you may think it fit for your service to remove me to business of state, although I have a fair way before me for profit, and by your majesty's grace in favor for honor and advancement, and in a course less exposed to the blasts of fortune,
yet now that he is gone, quo vivente virtutibus certissimum exitium, I will be ready as a chesmen to be wherever your majesty's royal hand shall set me. Your majesty will bear me witness I have not suddenly opened myself thus far. I have looked upon others, I see the exceptions, I see the distractions, and I fear Tacitus will be a prophet. Magis ali hominis quam ali moris. I know my own heart, and I know not whether God that hath touched
my heart with the affection may not touch your royal heart to discern it. Howsoever, I shall at least go on honestly in mine ordinary course, and supply the rest in prayers for you, remaining, etc. This is no hasty outburst. In a later paper on the true way of retrieving the disorders of the king's finances, full, large, and wise counsel, after advising the king not to be impatient, and assuring him that a state of debt is not so intolerable,
for it is no new thing for the greatest kings to be in debt, and all the great men of the any manner of diminution of their greatness, he returns to the charge in detail against Salisbury and the great contract. My second prayer is that your majesty, in respect to the hasty freeing of your state, would not descend to any means or degree of means which carryeth not a symmetry with your majesty and greatness. He is gone from whom those
courses did wholly flow. To have your wants and necessities in particular, as it were, hanged up in two tablets before the eyes of your lords and commons, to be talked of for four months together, to have all your courses to help yourself in revenue or profit put into printed books, which were wont to be held arcana in parry, to have such worms of aldermen to lend for ten in the hundred upon good assurance, and with such entreaty as
if it should save the bark of your fortune, to contract still where motby had the readiest payment and not the best bargain, to stir a number of projects for your profit and then to blast them and leave your majesty nothing but the scandal of them, to pretend even carriage between your majesty's rights and ease of the people, and to satisfy neither. These courses and others the like, I hope, are gone with the divisor of them, which have turned
your majesty to an estimable prejudice. And what he thought of saying, but on further consideration struck out, was the following. It is no wonder that he struck it out, but it shows what he felt towards Cecil. I protest to God, though I be not superstitious, when I saw your majesty's book against Vorstius and Arminius, and noted your zeal to deliver the majesty of God from the vain and indine
comprehensions of heresy and degenerate philosophy as you had by your pen formerly endeavoured to deliver kings from the usurpation of Rome, perculsit illico animum, that God would set shortly upon you some visible favour, and let me not live if I thought not of the taking away of that man. And from this time onwards he scarcely ever mentions Cecil's name in his correspondence
with James, but with words of condemnation, which imply that Cecil's mischievous policy was the result of private ends. Yet this was the man to whom he had written the New Year's Tide letter six months before, a letter which is but an echo to the last of all that he had been accustomed to write to Cecil when asking assistance or offering congratulation. Cecil had indeed little claim on Bacon's gratitude. He had spoken him fair in public, and no doubt
in secret distrusted and thwarted him. But to the last Bacon did not choose to acknowledge this. Had James disclosed something of his dead servant, who left some strange secrets behind him, which showed his unsuspected hostility to Bacon? Except on this supposition, but there is nothing to support it. No exaggeration of the liberty allowed to the language of compliment is enough to clear Bacon of an insincerity which is almost inconceivable
in any but the meanest tools of power. "'I assure myself,' wrote Bacon to the King, "'your Majesty taketh not me for one of a busy nature, for my estate being free from all difficulties, and I having such a large field for contemplation, as I have partly and shall much more make manifest to your Majesty and the world to occupy my thoughts, nothing could make me active but love and
affection.' So Bacon described his position with questionable accuracy, for his estate was not free from difficulties in the new time coming. He was still kept out of the inner circle of the Council, but from the moment of Salisbury's death he became a much more important person. He still sued for advancement and still met with disappointment. The mean men still rose above him. The lucrative place of Master of the Wards was vacated by Salisbury's
death. Bacon was talked of for it, and probably expected it, for he drew up new rules for it, and a speech for the new master. But the office and the speech went to Sir George Carey. Soon after Sir George Carey died, Bacon then applied for it through the new favourite, Rochester. He was so confident of the place that he put most of his men into new cloaks, and the world of the day amused itself at his disappointment, when the place was given
to another mean man, Sir Walter Cope, of whom the gossips wrote that if the last two treasurers could look out of their graves to see those successors in that place, they would be out of countenance with themselves, and say to the world, quantum mutatus. But Bacon's hand and Council appear more and more in important matters. The improvement the revenue, the defence of extreme rights of the prerogative in the case against Whitelock,
the great questions of calling a Parliament, and of the true and princely way of dealing with it. His confidential advice to the King about calling a Parliament was marked by his keen perception of the facts of the situation. It was marked, too, by his confident reliance on skillful indirect methods and trust in the look of things. It bears traces also of his bitter feeling against Salisbury, whom he charges with treacherously fomenting the
opposition of the last Parliament. There was no want of worldly wisdom in it. Certainly it was more adapted to James's ideas of statecraft than the simpler plan of Sir Henry Neville, that the King should throw himself frankly on the loyalty and goodwill of Parliament. And thus he came to be on easy terms with James, who was quite capable of understanding Bacon's resource and nimbleness of wit. In the autumn of 1613 the Chief Justice Ship
of the King's Bench became vacant. Bacon at once gave the King reasons for sending Coke from the Common Please, where he was a check on the prerogative, to the King's Bench, where he could do less harm. Well, Hobart went to the Common Please. The promotion was obvious, but the Common Please suited Coke better, and the place was more lucrative. Bacon's advice was followed. Coke, very reluctantly, knowing well who had given it, and why, not
only weeping himself, but followed by the tears of all the court of Common Please, moved up to the higher post. The attorney Hobart succeeded, and Bacon at last became attorney. In Chamberlain's gossip we have an indication, such as occurs only accidentally, of the view of outsiders. There is a strong apprehension that little good is to be expected by this change, and that Bacon may prove a dangerous instrument.
