menu_book Chapter 9

section nine of builders of united italy by rupert s holland this librivox recording is in the public domain chapter six cavour the statesman part one cavour planned united italy his career is a shining example of what may be done by a man with one definite purpose to which he adheres without digression just as disraeli seems from his early manhood to have aimed at becoming prime minister of england so cavour appears to have aimed at the union of italy under the leadership of piedmont there were a thousand and one points at which he could have turned aside a dozen times when a brilliant temporary success was held before him but he preferred to sacrifice no atom of energy or influence which might in time help in his fundamental purpose he preferred obscurity to the danger of being too well known and the coldness of contemporaries to the burdens of relations with them which might tend to shackle his own independence he read his time and countrymen with extraordinary accuracy and foresaw that what was left of the old rgime was tottering and that to attempt to bolster it up was absurd

he preferred to let the old conventions of a departed feudalism go their way in peace while he prepared himself for the day when the new statecraft should be recognized the piedmont of eighteen ten the year of cavour's birth was singularly medival the military strength and daring of the small states of the middle ages had departed but the point of view remained the aristocracy was narrow bigoted and overbearing they were intolerant of the new discoveries of science and the useful arts they devoted themselves exclusively to the trivial entertainments of the eighteenth century napoleon spread above them like a storm-cloud they wrapped themselves as well as they could in their ancestral cloaks and waited confident that the gale could not last long the majority of them could not believe that the french revolution was more than an accident but there were a few and those almost entirely men and women who had lived abroad who saw further

one of these latter was cavour's grandmother the marquis filippine de cavour for whom he seems to have inherited his breadth of view the family of benso belonged to the old nobility of piedmont and in time came into possession of the fief of santena and the fastness of cavour in the province of piñarolo a member of the family who became distinguished for military services was made marquis of cavour by charles emmanuel the third and the eldest son of marquis benso de cavour married philippine daughter of the marquis de sal a girl brought up in a chateau on the lake of annecy the marquise philippine immediately became the controlling factor in the cavour household she strove to lighten the heavy somberness of her husband's family in turin and at the trying time of the french occupation sold much of the family plate and furnishings and finally certain priceless religious relics in order to provide for her son a boy of sixteen when he was ordered to join general berthier's corps of the french army later she was commanded to become one of the household of the princess camillo borghese sister of napoleon and wife of his governor at piedmont who better known as pauline bonaparte figures as one of the most beautiful as well as one of the liveliest women of that age

the marquise philippine acquitted herself so well and so graciously that the princess became one of her staunchest friends and with the prince acted as sponsor at the christening of the marquise's second grandchild camille de cavour the marquis's son michele benso had married adele daughter of the countess elon of geneva and had two sons gustave and camille michele benso had profited greatly by his mother's tact but he was still the unbending reactionary in nature so was his eldest son gustave it was the younger boy who received the adaptable genius of the marquise philippine and who seems to have been best able to appreciate her on one occasion he said to her marina a piedmontese term for grandmother we get on capitally you and i you were always a little bit of a jacobin when as the boy grew older his family and friends reproached him with being a fanatical liberal he turned to the marquise confident that she understood him cavour had few confidants during his whole life few friends from whom he drew inspiration

but his grandmother had so trained him in the light of her own self-reliant spirit that he rarely seems to have felt the need of any outside aid the feudal system had scant respect for younger sons gustave was carefully educated for his proud position camille was largely left to grow up by chance he was sent to the military academy at turin and became a page at the court of charles albert with both the social and military life about him he found himself out of temper his views were too liberal for the narrowness he met on every hand he was hoping for events which most of his companions could only have regarded at that time as tragedies his restlessness was noted and he was sent to the lonely alpine fortress of bard there the soul-wearying inertia of the military life of a small state grew to typify to him the condition of his land at the age of twenty-one he wrote to the count de the italians need regeneration their morale which was completely corrupted under the ignoble dominion of spaniards and austrians regained a little energy under the french rgime and the ardent youth of the country sighs for a nationality

but to break entirely with the past to be born anew to a better state great efforts are necessary and sacrifices of all kinds must remould the italian character an italian war would be a sure pledge that we are going to become again a nation that we were rising from the mud in which we have been trampled for so many centuries such ideas found no sympathy at the court of piedmont and cavour confident that the army could offer him no opportunity to use his talents resigned his commission and induced his father to buy him a small estate at leddy There, in the middle of the rice fields of Piedmont, Cavour settled down to the life of a farmer, experimenting with new steam machinery, canal irrigation, artificial fertilizers, studying books on government and agriculture, seeing something of his country neighbors, waiting for the gradual breakdown of the old regime. His family were quite content to let him vegetate on his far-off estate.

He had no position in the family household in Turin. His father and brother were busy with details of court life, and after the death of his grandmother, his combined family regarded him as lacking in normal balance. Without becoming actually melancholy, the youth was continually dejected.

He saw no place waiting to be filled by him. He wished that he had been born into another nation, and sighed, Ah, if I were an Englishman, by this time I should be something, and my name would not be wholly unknown. Yet, indifferent as he seemed to comradeship, he had at this time one strong friend, a woman of high birth, L'Incanu, as he called her in his journal.

She summoned him to her at Turin, and he obeyed her call. She was unhappy and ardently patriotic with the visions of Mazzini. He admired her and was filled with remorse at the thought of a love so constant and disinterested. They corresponded for over a year, and then Cavour's ardor faded. He had never been in love with her, but she had loved him devotedly.

A few years later she died and left him a last letter ending, The woman who loved you is dead. No one ever loved you as she did. No one. For, oh Camille, you never fathomed the extent of her love. She had, at least, succeeded in drawing him out of his lonely despair. Platonic as his regard for her seems to have been, it was the nearest approach to love that entered his life. For fifteen years Cavour lived as a farmer at Ledi, breaking the

monotony of that existence by occasional visits to England and France. The former country always exerted great influence over him. He considered the life of the English country gentleman the ideal existence. He was a great admirer of Pitt and Sir Robert Peale, and said of Peale that he was the statesman who, more than any other, had the instinct of the necessity of the moment, words prophetic of his own career, and was always a reader of Shakespeare, who among all writers

he held had the deepest insight into the human heart. In Paris, Cavour saw much of society through the influence of his French relations, and made the most of his opportunity to study the young rising men. He was frequently blamed by the men and women he met for leading such an aimless life, and was urged to enter the fields of literature or diplomacy. For the former he said he had no taste. For the latter he was too much out of sympathy with the government of his own

country, and he could not enter the service of any other. He had the reputation of being a man of great wit and intelligence, gifted with gay and winning manners, interested, to a certain extent, in all concerns of the day, but unwilling to sacrifice himself to a constant devotion to any one pursuit. The women of the leading salons found his light hair, blue eyes, and happy temper charming. The men of the time valued his keen insight into contemporary questions. He played cards frequently,

for high stakes, but never allowed himself to become an habitual gambler. Later in life, it is said that he indulged in playing for high stakes with politicians, in order to gain an insight into their characters. His visits to Paris undoubtedly taught him much concerning the men with whom he was later to have so much to do, and his days in England showed him the strength of parliamentary government. He took vivid impressions back with him to Léry, and used his

mental energy in adapting English ideas on agricultures to the needs of his farm. With the governing world of Piedmont, Cavour was undeniably unpopular. The antiquated leaders of public life considered him perilously liberal, and no party or clique found him really in accord with its views. He had written some articles for foreign newspapers, and had openly advocated the need of railways in Italy, but such of his countrymen as undertook to learn his views

held him a dangerous fanatic. Singularly enough, without having made any attempt to place himself before the public, he was an object of popular distrust. He counted this rather an item in his favor. He was in no wise indebted to any man or any cause. He preferred to wait until the day of petty reactionaries should give place to serious popular movements, and by 1847 he saw that such a crisis was not far distant. Charles Albert, by nature always an enigma, was moving forward faster

than his government, and was suspected of strong independent tendencies. Charles Albert would have loomed larger in history if he had been born into either an earlier or a later age. He was not the man to direct a political crisis. He would have done well as the magnanimous sovereign of an eighteenth-century state, or as the intellectual head of a constitutional nation. But it was his misfortune to lack those vigorous, robust qualities which Italians later found in his son.

He was an ardent patriot. He earnestly desired to free the Italian states from foreign rule. He was zealous that Piedmont should lead in such a cause. But he was continually afraid that independence would lead directly to popular liberty under a constitution. I desire as much as you do, he said to Roberto d'Azelio, the enfranchisement of Italy, and it is for that reason, remember well, that I will never give a constitution to my people.

His advisors, who were largely clericals, and almost always reactionaries, lost no chance to impress upon his mind the impossibility of the consummation he desired. Start the new order, they said, and no man knows how far it will go. He was in fear of loosing a spirit which he could never cage. Yet his honest desire for national independence made him hearken at times to more liberal

voices. In one of these moments, he revoked the censorship of the press. Cavour, primed with the history of England, saw what a free press meant, and instantly left his retirement at Lerdy to seize the golden opportunity. He founded a newspaper, and gave it a name destined to stand for the whole movement towards nationalism, il Risorgimento. the prospectus of the paper stated its aims as independence union between the princes and the people and reforms cavour was now prepared to speak his mind

he did not have long to wait the people of genoa announced that they were preparing to send a committee to the capital to ask for the expulsion of the jesuits and the organization of a national guard the principal editors of turin met to consider what stand they should take in reference to these demands the suggestion to support the genoese petitions was meeting with general approval when cavour rose to speak his words fell like a bomb he said that the demands were far too small that the only prudence lay in asking for much more the statement was the keynote to all his later statecraft of what use he asked are reforms which have nothing definite and lead to nothing where is the good of asking for that which whether granted or not equally disturbs the state and weakens the moral authority of the government since the government can no longer be maintained on its former basis let us ask for a constitution and substitute for that basis another more conformable to the spirit of the times and to the progress of civilization

let us do this before it is too late and before the authority which keeps society together is dissolved by popular clamor cavour's proposal precipitated a violent contest both moderates and liberals thought that he was asking far too much valerio the leader of the better element declared that in asking for a constitution the meeting went far beyond the wishes of the people the meeting broke up without reaching a decision but the reports of it scattered with lightning-like rapidity valerio ridiculed the proposal to his friends and called cavour an aper of english customs he said don't you know my lord camille the greatest reactionist of the kingdom the greatest enemy of the revolution an anglo-mane of the purest breed cavour was nicknamed milord camillo and milord he was continually asked if he desired to erect an english house of lords the ridicule passed but the suggestion remained charles albert heard of cavour's speech to the editors and he had already lived through the first two months of that electrifying year of eighteen forty eight

constitution making was in the air louis philippe was falling the little italian princes were throwing promises to their waking people he hesitated he was under a secret pledge to continue the government of his country in the same form in which it had come to him he thought seriously of abdicating but his son victor emmanuel opposed the idea vigorously finally after much anxious thought and many family consultations he decided to grant a constitution and the famous statute was given to the sardinian kingdom it is interesting to note that fifty years later the king's grandson celebrated the date of the promulgation of what was to become the charter of italian independence raised temporarily to a pinnacle of popular applause the fickle gusts of an excitable public opinion soon blew cavour down to his former standing

no one really agreed with his opinions to the moderates he was still alarmingly audacious to the liberals too deeply imbued with the spirit of english aristocracy he stood for election under the new constitution at turin and was defeated shortly afterwards however he was elected to fill an unexpected vacancy count balbo the first prime minister under the constitution and cavour's co-editor of the risorgimento did not ask him to join the cabinet and openly expressed his disapproval of his fellow journalists ideas the truth of the matter was that men were afraid of cavour they distrusted him partly because they did not understand him and partly because it was only too evident that if he were given the chance he would drive the car of state to suit himself the new cabinet had no sooner assumed office than milan revolted against the austrians charles albert hesitated he was heart and soul with the milanese but england and russia both warned him against war with austria

his cabinet was divided half feared to stake too much half were for wagering all cavour printed hot words in the we men of calm minds accustomed to listen more to the dictates of reason than to the impulses of the heart after deliberately weighing each word we utter are bound in conscience to declare that only one path is open to the nation the government the king war immediate war the evening of the day of publication the king decided on war and piedmont rushed to the aid of newly arisen lombardy the story of that campaign is briefly told great confidence heroic sacrifices a few victorious battles and then the reinforcement of radetzky's army and the retreat to milan sardinia had brave soldiers but no great generals the victories were not followed up as napoleon had done on the same fields at the battle of goito cavour's nephew augusto di cavour a boy of twenty was killed

on his body was found a last letter from his uncle encouraging him to do his duty the blow was a terrible one for cavour he had predicted the noblest future for augusto it was said that he ever afterward kept the shot riddled uniform of the boy in a glass case in his bedroom a relic and reminder of heroism The war soon came to the tragic climax of Nevada. The ministers were perpetually undecided. Men were thinking more of the possible results of independence than of the fact itself.

There were a thousand theorists, a thousand phrase-makers, and in the midst of them all, the king, alternately hopeful and despairing, heroic in his devotion, but confident that he should never weld Italy together. Cavour had not been re-elected to the Parliament of this crucial time. He was outside the battle proper, striving to direct public sentiment through his paper

and watching and studying the strength and weakness of the cause. The Battle of Nevada ended the war. Charles Albert abdicated, and Victor Emmanuel came to the Sardinian throne. The natures of father and son were almost diametrically opposed. The new king was the born leader.

his people could not doubt the temper of his resolution and it was upon that implicit trust that cavour determined on one and only one adviser was to build a state that should be firm and enduring in a sense failure had cleared the field for greater achievement as success could never have done the new king having sworn allegiance to the constitution cast about him for a prime minister who could bring order out of seeming chaos and chose massimo then and for long afterwards the best beloved man in piedmont d'azelio was a painter a poet a warrior and an accomplished man of the world devoted to his country liberal without being radical he was the one man to restore popular confidence in the sardinian kingdom cavour was glad that the king's favor had fallen on such a man and knowing that his own assistance at that time would only serve to embarrass the new premier he retired to the leisure he enjoyed so thoroughly on his farm at ledi here he rested and recovered some of the confidence which had been shaken by the unfortunate trend of events he was by nature optimistic and knew the value of gradual development the hours he spent in farming he considered most valuably employed

a friend described him about this time as having a very fresh-colored complexion and blue eyes which although still exceedingly bright had a cheerful expression He was stout, but not ungainly as he became later. He stooped slightly, but when he stopped to speak to anyone, held himself erect in an attentive attitude. His forehead, large and solid, gave strength to a face which was not distinguished by striking features. On either side of his mouth, which was rather cold and contained, were two lines which, by trembling or contracting, gave the only sign of any emotion to an observer.

His voice was low, and not remarkably inspiring. He never had the orator's fluent tongue with which to sway his auditors. He was always courteous and at his ease, easily approachable, and interested in whatever might be said to him. He belonged to the class of statesmen who tell very little of their thoughts. When he visited Manzoni on Lake Maggiore, and the latter poured out to him his dreams of a united Italy, which, as he said, he usually kept to himself for secret fear of

being thought a madman, Cavour answered simply by rubbing his hands, and with a slow smile saying, We shall do something. The act and the words bespoke his character. Cavour's holiday in the country was not to last long. The king dissolved his first parliament, and in the second, Cavour was re-elected to his former seat. Now, for the first time, he made his real power felt in the chamber, on the question of the abolition of those special

courts which had formerly existed for the trial of ecclesiastical offenders against the common law. The struggle between the clericals and liberals was bitter. Cavour spoke on March 7, 1850, and advocated strong measures. He was not anxious to force the church into a position hostile to the state, but he feared peace purchased at a heavy sacrifice. He knew that reforms must be full and sweeping if they were to stem the rising tide of European discontent.

The wisest statesmen were those who, like Lord Grey and Sir Robert Peel in England, had granted fully when they recognized the temper of the time. Revolutions were only to be stayed by real reforms. If real reforms were granted, the government of Piedmont, he concluded, would not only be strong among its own people,

but, gathering to itself all the living forces in Italy, it would be in a position to lead our mother country to those high destinies whereunto she is called. It was the first speech which had thrilled with hope since the lamentable downfall of Nevada. The audience in the galleries caught the prophetic note and cheered it to the echo.

The ministers were eager to shake hands with the speaker. The people were stirred, although not yet convinced that Cavour was what he seemed to be. But public men throughout Italy recognized that here was a strong man with potent forces soon to be considered. Soon after the passage of the bill Cavour had advocated, one of D'Azelio's ministers, Count Pietro di Santa Rosa, died. Immediate pressure was brought to bear to make Cavour his successor,

but for a long time D'Azelio, although friendly to Cavour, hesitated to take such an extremist into his cabinet. it. Finally, he offered Cavour the post of Minister of Agriculture and Commerce. Cavour accepted, but only after making certain terms, one of which was that a certain minister, whom he considered over-timorous, should be asked to resign. D'Azelio agreed, though with ill grace, and in consequence was shortly after told by the king, Don't you see, this

man will turn you all out. On taking office, Cavour gave up his connection with Orisorgimento, a paper which he considered had helped the liberal projects immeasurably. As Minister of Commerce, he negotiated trade treaties with England, France, and Belgium. He took to work so readily that very shortly he was made Minister of Marine in addition to his original post. Gradually, he won his way to the leadership in Parliament, speaking for himself rather than for the cabinet, and having

small regard for the professed opinions of his own or any other party. When a deputy would ask him for information in the chamber, he would state his own opinion, and where that differed from opinions already expressed by his colleagues, he would make his favorite reply, that he spoke less as a minister than as a politician. Cavour's many-sided nature rapidly showed itself in his stand on religious and educational measures, on trade and commerce, on theories of government

and practical applications. There seemed to be no field with which he was not conversant, and which he could not straighten of tangles less thoughtful ministers had made. In April 1851, he became Minister of Finance, having insisted that Nigra, his predecessor, should resign if he were to remain. The Minister of Public Instruction had a disagreement with Cavour, and was replaced

by one of the latter's friends, Farini, the Romagnol exile, a strong nationalist writer. These changes greatly strengthened Cavour's position, and were all in line with his policy of making Piedmont a strong constitutional state, its people imbued with the thought of leadership in any struggle for Italian unity. Abroad, he was endeavoring in every way to excite interest in Italian conditions. He was an enthusiastic admirer of Mr. Gladstone. He studied Louis

Napoleon's giant strides to power, not for their effect upon liberty, but in search of indications that the new French regime would listen to the voice of Victor Emmanuel. He had come to realize that foreign aid was essential to ultimate victory, and looked to France as the most probable ally. That this ally was likely to appear in the garb of a political adventurer did not disturb him.

As he said, Franklin sought the help of the most despotic monarch in Europe. End of section 9