Chapter 20
The Influence of Civil Government on Religion by Lemuel Haynes. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Psalm 11 verse 3. If the foundations be destroyed, what shall the righteous do? King David was raised up on high, the anointed of the God of Jacob and the sweet psalmist of Israel. In various ways did he give evidence that he was a man of virtue and religion.
His attachment to the commonwealth of Israel, and engagedness to support the laws and dignity of his country, were conspicuous ornaments in his character. Amidst the base inventions of designing men to enervate the bands of government, assume the reins and disseminate discord among the people, animated with a holy regard to the rights of God and men, rendered him invincible to every rival. He could hear his competitors say, as in verse first, Flee as a bird to your mountain, and behold the wicked bend their bow, and make ready their arrow upon the string.
without abandoning his country's cause or wantonly trifling with the liberties of men. If the foundations be destroyed, what shall the righteous do? Is a reflection worthy the king of Israel in a time of public calamity? By foundations is generally thought to mean the civil laws or government of Israel. These were invaded and threatened to be destroyed by proud and factious men,
which David in the text considered as a violent attack upon religion and the good man's cause. If the laws and authority of the land are trampled upon, what shall the righteous do? intimating that their religious interest would greatly suffer thereby. If government be once destroyed, that firm foundation of our peace and violence makes justice void, where shall the righteous seek redress? The influence of civil government upon religion and morality and their
connection is a matter to which our candid attentions is called on the present occasion. That God is able to support his cause in the world without the intervention of legislative authority, and that they have no connection, is a sentiment warmly advocated by many, and indeed none can dispute them without calling in question the power of omnipotence. But whether it be agreeable to the established constitution of heaven in ordinary cases to
support religion without civil authority, or whether it be not favourable to virtue, is the inquiry. That God is able to appoint state officers without people's meeting to give their suffrages is what God has done and has natural power to do, but none will infer from thence that such appointment actually will take place without public exertions. 1. Civil government was appointed by God to regulate the affairs of men. Israel of old received laws both of a civil
and religious nature from the great legislator of the universe. This is evident to all who are acquainted with sacred or profane history. He removeth kings and setteth up kings. Daniel 2.21 Thou shalt in any wise set him king over thee, whom the Lord thy God shall choose. Deuteronomy 17.15 St. Paul, to enforce obedience to magistracy, points to the origin of civil power, Romans 13. The powers that be are ordained of God.
Whosoever therefore resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of God. For he is the minister of God to thee for good. Every appointment of the deity is favourable to religion, and conducive thereto, as there is no other object worthy divine attention, to suppose otherwise would be an impious reflection on the character of God.
When we consider the obvious end for which civil government was instituted, it is easy to see that it is designed as a support to virtue. To suppress vice and immorality, to defend men's lives, religion and properties, are the essential constituents of a good government. The wickedness of the human heart is so great that it needs every restraint.
To oppose the impetuous torrent of iniquity, to humanize the soul and to conduct men in the way of felicity, are objects to which the laws of God and those which are commonly called the laws of men do mutually point. Without our lives and interests are defended, how can we practice piety? Human laws as well as divine do in a sense respect the heart. The criminal is punished for his enormities by the hand of the civil magistrate because they are considered as flowing from a bad heart.
To say that an institution tends to maintain order, justice, and the rights of men, or that it is favourable to religion are expressions synonymous. Although the government of a commonwealth has a particular and a more immediate respect to the temporal interests of men, yet there is a higher object to which they stand related and that renders them important. 3. Further light will be cast on the subject by attending to the qualifications and work of the
civil magistrate as given in the word of God, from whence we derive the institution. The character are required in any profession will at once determine the end and design of it. The God of Israel said, The rock of Israel spake to me, he that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. 2 Samuel 23 verse 3. The character of a statesman is drawn by the pen of unerring wisdom. Deuteronomy 17. And it shall be when he sitteth upon the throne of his kingdom, that he
shall write him a copy of this law in a book, out of that which is before the priests, the Levites. and it shall be with him and he shall read therein all the days of his life that he may learn to fear the lord his god to keep all the words of this law and these statutes to do them that his heart be not lifted up above his brethren and that he turn out aside from the commandment to the right hand or to the left quote the hebrews have recorded thus when the king sitteth upon the throne of his kingdom
he is to write him the book of the law for himself besides the one which is left him by his father etc. If his father has left him none, or if that be lost, he is to write him two books of the law, the one he is to reserve in his house, for so he is commanded. The other is not to depart from before him. If he go out to war, it goeth with him. If he sit in judgment, it is to be with him, etc. Mammony treat of kings. See Ainsworth's annotation. This book contained what is commonly
called the law of Moses, giving directions about civil and religious affairs. This shows that the lawyer should concern himself with the sacred oracles, and that his profession is favourable to religion. St. Paul further informs us that rulers are not a terror to good works but to evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power, do that which is good? And thou shalt have praise of the same, for he is the minister of God to thee for good. But if thou do that which is evil,
be afraid, for he beareth not the sword in vain, for he is the minister of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil, Romans 13. The design of civil government is in the best manner answered when kings are nursing fathers and queens nursing mothers to the church of God, Isaiah 49 verse 23. For were we to compare those countries and places where wholesome laws exist and are executed with those that are without them, we shall find the contrast striking.
Where there are no laws, no subordination, their licentiousness and barbarity hold their empire, and, like a malignant fever, diffuse their baneful influence without restraint. Everyone that is acquainted with sacred or other histories knows the propriety of the remark. Were we to advert to our own experience, we have the clearest conviction. Is it not the case in general that a contempt of the good laws of the land and impiety
are inseparable companions? We have recent demonstration that civil authority is in some sense the basis of religion and have too much reason to adopt the language and the text. If the foundations be destroyed, what shall the righteous do? It is far from my intention to appear in the habit of a partisan,
or to stimulate dissension on an occasion like this, while I point you to the unprecedented conduct of a foreign power, as witness to the truth of the topic under consideration. To exaggerate matters I have no inclination, nor to wound the tender feelings of humanity by a tedious detail of French enormities.
To pursue their lawless ravages would be to trace the cruel exploits of a bloodthirsty Hannibal, or merciless strides of an imperious Alexander, Near twenty villages in Germany have become a sacrifice to the vengeance of a more than savage army. Switzerland, Geneva, the latter a place remarkable for their religion and good order, have fallen victims to their cruelties. The soothing words liberty and equality were so dear
to us that we were hoping that true republicanism was their object and were almost decoyed into their wretched embraces, but they leave not the least traces of it behind them. It is evidently their design to exterminate order and religion out of the universe, banquet on stolen property, give rules to the world, and so become the tyrants of the earth. Quote, ecclesiastics of every description, and particularly the professors of both sexes, says a late German writer, seemed to
be the chief object of republican malevolence, immorality, and cruelty, in which the soldiers were led on and encouraged by their officers. End quote. That an abolition of religion is an object of French insanity, is too evident to be disputed. Hence it is that they are so inimical to civil authority as they view it favourable to morality. We cannot mistake them when we consider their contempt of the holy scriptures, their atheistical decisions, and their more than
beastly conduct. Libertinism, and its republicanism, is most certainly their object. It is an inquiry worthy of attention whether the few years' revolution in France has not done more towards promoting infidelity, deism, and all manner of licentiousness than half a century before. The near connection of religion with wholesome laws or civil authority is doubtless an ostensible reason why the latter is so much the object of resentment. The contempt that these states have
met with from the French directory in their not receiving our invoice, their insolent and enormous demands on our property, their blind and deceitful intrigues, their lawless depredations on our commerce at sea are sufficient to show that it is not peace, liberty, and good order they are after, but to make themselves sole arbiters of the world. Many have been caressed with the fascinating yell Long live the Republican, and opened their gates to the French army, but have too late found their
tendermosies to be cruelty, and themselves in the hands of a plundering banditti. What outrages have been committed on the persons of young and old, wives and daughters abused in the presence of their husbands and parents. Those in sacred orders, notwithstanding their age, illness, and profession, dragged from their beds, their houses pillaged, and they have been the chief objects of spite and detestation. Let many villages of Swabia in Germany witness to the
truth of this observation. Such are the sad effects of no law, no order, no religion, and if the foundations be destroyed, what shall the righteous do? The candour and patience of this audience are requested, while a few reflections are deduced from the preceding observations. 1. It is undoubtedly our duty to become acquainted with the laws of the land. That by which the commonwealth of Israel was governed was to be well studied by their statesmen.
Deuteronomy 17. Especially those who are to be representatives of the people should well understand the laws of their country. Those then of the profession are not disqualified to sit in the fear of government by virtue of their knowledge in state policy. It is the design of civil government to secure the rights of men, which should be held sacred. It being so nearly connected with religion renders it important. It is a subject to which we ought to pay attention,
that we may be in a capacity to pursue the best measures to promote it. It is a remark not without foundation, that they who make the widest mouths against divine revelation are commonly those who know the least about it, and form their opinion on popular cant. Whether this is not often the safe with many who set up against the good laws of the state, is a matter worthy of inquiry. He that can arraign and condemn the constitution and laws of his country without information,
and will judge of a matter before he hears it, in the view of Solomon, forfeits the character of a wise man. Two, is there such a connection between civil and religious order, then we ought to support the former. Would we prove ourselves friends to the latter? Indeed, he that can oppose and destroy the good laws of his country, his religious character is greatly to be suspected. He that loves religion will value and prize that which tends to its support,
and feels the influence of the idea in the text. If the foundations be destroyed, what shall the righteous do? It is really the character of a good man that he affords his influence, his property, yea, his life, in the defence of his country, if called for. We should most cheerfully impart our substance for the support of the laws of the land,
and strengthen the hands of the legislature when they are endeavouring to adopt good measures for raising revenue. Many are complaining that the wages of the state officers are too high. Were I to attempt a decision on this point, perhaps I should appear contemptible as being destitute of Christian modesty and self-dissidence. That men who leave their families and devote their time and talents in their country's cause
ought to have a compensation is agreed on all hands. What is an adequate reward is difficult for those who live several hundred miles from the seat of government to determine. An honest man under such a disadvantage would feel a delicacy in determining, lest he might do injustice to his neighbour. He would not view that man qualified to be a
representative of the people, that would be exorbitant in his demands, and rather choose to refer it to the members on the spot, who are the best judges of their own expenses and retrenchments. The common labourer thinks it an infringement on his liberty if his wages are to be determined by him who hires him. Should we set up office to vendu and make low wages the test of our election, this would be an impious trifling with the sacred rights of men, an insult on the
importance and dignity of government. In this way, men of an ignorant, low, and mercenary spirit would creep into the seats of preferment. Our blessed Lord has taught us by precept and example to respect civil government and render tribute to Caesar. We have the same sentiments enjoined by St. Paul, Romans 13. Whoever therefore resisteth the power shall receive to themselves damnation, wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath but also for conscience sake.
For this cause pay you tribute also, for they are God's ministers, attending continually upon this very thing. Render therefore to all their dues. 3. How absurd to discard the book, commonly called the holy scriptures, and yet be advocates for good civil government. They are so coincident and congenial in their nature and tendency, that it is really a doubt whether a man can, upon right principles, be an honest advocate for one whose heart rises against the other.
Hence it is that those who have been votaries for religion have generally been friendly to good civil authority. Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thine heart, and thy neighbour as thyself is an epitome of the whole Bible system. He that is acquainted with the laws of the land will see that they mostly point to this great object, and are a sort of comment on or copy of the sacred oracles. A contempt of the holy scriptures, domination, anarchy, and immorality are inseparable companions.
It is truly strange to see men of genius and education plead for the good laws of their country, and yet unfriendly to divine revelation. They have certainly a reciprocal reflection on each other, and their influence in a great measure stand and fall together. Would we be hearty friends to government, let us value and conform to the written word of God, that our conduct may not appear glaringly inconsistent and contradictory. 4. We infer that it is suitable for the ministers
of the gospel to enforce obedience to the laws of the state. In this way they discover a laudable regard for the rights and properties of their hearers, plead for religion, and espouse the case of their divine matter. Many think that state policy is a subject out of the sphere of Christian ministers, that they ought to seek the peace and goodwill of their people by avoiding such matters, but he that cannot sacrifice his own reputation, his living, yea, his own life, in the cause of
religion and the good of his country has forfeited his character as a faithful ambassador of the Prince of Peace. Paul was far from commending such clerical prudence as some plead for, Titus 3, put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates, to be ready to every good work, to speak evil of no man. Five, we may learn why there are so many sedition acts in the Bible, since religion and good government are so nearly connected. One we have, Ecclesiastes
10 verse 20, curse not the king, no, not in thy thought. Another we have, Exodus 22 verse 28, Thou shalt not revile the gods, nor curse the ruler of thy people. We have the same law repeated in another section of God's word. Acts 25 verse 5 Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people.
Compare Romans 13 The apostle gives us direction how to escape the terrors of such laws. Verse 3 Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same. When scandalous libels are cast at men in private life,
they will have recourse to law for satisfaction when ministers of state are wickedly impeached. Why should the libeller go with impunity? Is not the crime enhanced by the dignity of the whole commonwealth? Shall the character of a chief magistrate, or of a whole country,
be of less or of no importance than a man in a private capacity? Can men think their liberties retrenched, when they cannot vent their spite and false invectives against civil rulers without detection? May we not as well cry out aristocracy, tyranny, and oppression, because we cannot commit the most daring outrage on the person,
character, and property of our neighbour, without being plagued with the molesting hand of civil authority. From such kind of liberty, good Lord, deliver us. Footnote. Should it be said that those precepts, that particularly respect our duty to rulers, are rendered unnecessary by those general laws that prohibit bearing false witness against our neighbour, and that, enjoying decent behaviour towards all mankind, etc., we may observe that wickedly to impeach men who are entrusted with
affairs in the Commonwealth is an insult cast upon the political body, tending to innovate the hands of government. If satisfaction is given to the magistrate only in a private capacity, this does not retrieve the character of the state which has a right to enact and execute laws with a more particular relation to itself, tending to support its own dignity and importance. End footnote. 6. The subject sets before us the importance of the present occasion.
Since it is so necessary to maintain civil government, our lives, liberties, and religion in a sense depend upon it. Men should be appointed who are friendly to religion and morality, by which they will be peculiarly attached to the good and wholesome laws of their country on account of the benign influence they have on practical godliness. Men of wisdom and understanding, of force and stability, who will enforce the laws of the land by precept and example,
who will not bear the sword in vain but be a terror to evildoers, and a praise to them who do well. These are qualifications pointed out in the word of God and ought to be sought for. Dissidence in an ecclesiastical and civil minister is a distinguishing ornament. The magnitude of the object will cause the good statesman to recoil at the thought in language similar to that of the chief magistrate of Israel, 1 Kings 3.
And now, O Lord my God, thou hast made me king instead of David my father, and I am but a little child. I know not how to go out or come in. Give therefore thy servant an understanding heart to judge thy people, that I may discern between good and bad.
For who is able to judge this, thy so great a people? He that would thrust himself into office is a selfish man, is seeking his own, not the public good. Confidence in public opinion will dispose a man to acquiesce in their decisions about himself, unbiased by fulsome flattery or bribery. He that would hire his neighbor to give him his suffrage is to be suspected as an enemy to his country and unfit to be entrusted with its important concerns.
He has already declared that he values his own judgment about himself above all others, and will perhaps have the same sentiments in everything in which he is called to act. The true philanthropist wants the support of his country unsolicited, by which he is encouraged to undertake in its cause, and not from proud, selfish, or peculinary motives. The dignity, modesty, and goodness of his mind will render him incapable of holding himself up to view as a
candidate for office. Should the question be asked, how shall we know the man of virtue and patriotism, the answer is obvious and rationally decided by unbearing wisdom by their fruit you shall know them we infer the integrity of a washington and an adams from the invincible here there is a lacuna in the text they have manifested to the rights of men through a long series of events when they had it in their power to all their country and accumulate millions to themselves to suppose
such men who have risked their lives they're all in the cause of freedom for many years should in the last stage of life turn traitors, when they would have nothing to promise themselves but endless disgrace, confronts every dictate of reason and experience. Perhaps it is not possible for the human mind to have a firmer basis for confidence, and to impeach such characters without better foundation than ever has appeared to me, at least appears disingenuous, and argues
a jealousy more cruel than the grave. Who can reflect on the fatigue, vexation, and hazard to which a Washington has been exposed in espousing the contested rights of his country, and not feel a sort of indignation to hear his character vilified and impeached without a cause. Are these the returns he is to receive from ungrateful countrymen? It is true men are not to be idolized, but when we consider them as instruments qualified and raised up by God for good and peculiar service
to mankind, it is undoubtedly our duty to love, honor, and respect them. If I am not mistaken, we live in a day when our liberties are invaded and the rights of men challenged beyond what we ever experienced, and that, under the soothing titles of republicanism, democracy, etc., these are precious names if well understood, but when they are speciously substituted in the rooms of libertinism and licentiousness, they make us sick. Our internal dissensions have an unfavourable
aspect and give pain to the human breast. By these things we lay ourselves open to foreign invasions and augment taxation. Union and firmness in our country's cause becomes us, at such a day as this, it is not a time for empty compliment, effeminate cowardice, nor for temporizing, when our all lies at stake, our enemies with us to delay and debate and flatter, that they may make themselves master of all our property at sea. There is no harm for the free-born
sons of America to tell Frenchmen that we will not give up our rights unless our lives go with them, that they were bought at the expense of too much blood and treasure to be trifled with, that the very ghosts of our brethren who bled in their country's cause would haunt our imaginations, that we treat with contempt the insolent demands of a talleyrand aided by a sly, intriguing directory who would wrest millions from our pockets to enslave us, we may tell them
in the most decisive, unequivocal language, without loss of time, that we have a right to choose our own invoice, maintain our own neutrality, without the dictates of French despotism. Have we any evidence that the French nation are really seeking peace with us while they refuse to treat with our ambassador, such as we send to accomplish the desirable object? While they thrust the dagger at our heart? Destroy our lives and property at every opportunity? May we not
pertinently adopt the language of Jehu to Joram? 2 Kings 9 verse 22, and it came to pass, when Joram saw Jehu, that he said, Is it peace, Jehu? And he answered, What peace, so long as the whoredoms of thy mother Jezebel and her witchcrafts are so many? Do they wish for peace? Let them come with the olive branch in their hand, and make us restitution for the millions of our property that they have wantonly destroyed, and be ashamed for the innocent blood they have mingled with the
ocean which calls for vengeance on both sides of the Atlantic, then heaven-born peace shall erect her laurels on our shores, and gladden the heart of every free-born son of America. Let us rise in the defence of our country, and shudder at the thought of a French invasion, viewing the last drop of our blood too small a sacrifice to be withheld, when our rights, our religion, yea, are all lie at the stake. It is not the design of this discourse to obstruct a free and candid
examination into political proceedings. This is a privilege belonging to every man, and no one has the right to take it from him. It is a matter worthy of serious inquiry whether other present constitution and government have not the essential vestiges of free republicanism, according to the true meaning of the term. Does it not originate in the free suffrages of the people, who have it in their power to appoint to and to pose from office? Is it an infringement of our liberties to subject
to the decision of the majority? True freedom does not consist in every man's doing as he thinks fit or following the dictates of unruly passions, but in submitting to the easy yoke of good regulations and in being under the restraints of wholesome laws. We should do well to examine whether we do not too much despise and undervalue the civil government and independence that God, by remarkable interpositions of providence as put into our hands. Whether our uneasiness under it has not
provoked omnipotence to threaten our liberties by letting loose a foreign power upon us. Let us learn to prize and support the good and wholesome laws of our land, that heaven may be at peace with us. But few, if any, will own themselves advocates for French measures, but I hope it will give no offence to those who of late appear unfriendly to our present civil administrations if they are earnestly entreated to inquire whether they are not practically espousing their cause, however
good their intentions may be. That our foreign enemies consider them in this point of light, we have the clearest evidence, and are thereby encouraged to persevere in their lawless depredations. We have heard that it is the character of the good man to be subject to higher powers, that civil authority ought to be opposed when it becomes tyrannical and oppressive, is agreed on all hands. We should all do well to examine the motives by which we are actuated,
perhaps they are selfish. It is sometimes a proud, haughty disposition that sets men against government, and a thirst to get themselves into the chair. This made Absalom so dissatisfied with the government of Israel, and caused him to disseminate dissensions among them. To Samuel 15, verse 4, Absalom said, moreover, O that I were made judge in the land, that every man which have any suit or cause might come unto me, and I would do them justice. On the whole, let us in all
these things, view the hand of superintending providence that ruleth over the nations of the earth, and disposeth of all events, both in the natural and moral world, so to accomplish the best good of the universe, will cause even the wrath of man to praise him, and the remainder will restrain. Let us repent of our sins, that are the cause of God's controversy with us, and obtain reconciliation with him through the mediation of Jesus Christ. Let us seek after a
holy union of sentiment and affection in religion, and this will tend to unite us in other things, and especially in that which is in some sense the barrier and support of it. The question would then become serious and general. If the foundations be destroyed, what shall the righteous do? Let us support and execute the good laws of our land
and endeavour to strengthen the hands of them who rule well. Let no root of bitterness spring up and trouble us, for while the mind is under the influence of prejudice and passion, we cannot attend to any subject to advantage. We should exercise a spirit of love and forbearance towards those who differ from us
and endeavour to restore them in the spirit of meekness. May we all remember that whatever zeal or attachment we may seem to manifest towards civil institutions, yet if we are not in our hearts and lives in some good measure reconciled to the law and government of God, we shall finally be placed with the workers of iniquity. End of The Influence of Civil Government on Religion by Lemuel Haynes.
