menu_book Chapter 62

Chapter 62 of History of the Norwegian People, Volume 1 by Knut Jershit. This LibriVox recording is in the public domain. King Sverre's Reign While the struggle between Sverre and Magnus had the appearance of a personal contest for the possession of the throne, even a casual observer would soon discern that a revolution had been set on foot in which the Berkebeiner,

or common people, under the leadership of Sverre, had undertaken to wrest the people from their aristocracy and the clergy. Svera could assert his right to the throne only according to the old rule of succession as the illegitimate son of Sigurd Mund, while Magnus Erlingsson wore the crown by the special arrangement of 1164, which virtually transferred the sovereign power to the church and the nobility. With Svera on the throne, the era of puppet kings and the rule of the nobility would be in an end.

The constitution of 1164 would be overthrown, and a regime would be inaugurated to which Svera himself gave the keynote in his speech at the funeral of Erling Skaka. Times are greatly changed, as you may see, and have taken a marvellous turn, when one man stands in the place of three, of king, of jarl, of archbishop, and I am that one. Svera would rule in the spirit of Harald Horthogra and St. Olaf,

as the sovereign of a national and independent kingdom, exercising the highest authority in ecclesiastical and state affairs within the realm. But although he had gained the power and was fully resolved to use it, he did not exercise it in a harsh or arbitrary way. With the instinct of a true statesman, he took care to gradually lessen the influence of the nobility, to put more power into the hands of the common people,

and to organize the administration and the judicial procedure in such a way as to lodge the power more firmly with the central government, and leave less to the whim of the individual or the caprice of fortune. We have seen that the local administration was originally controlled by the hirsar, or hereditary chieftains. The lendermen who succeeded them were appointed by the king, but exercised to a large extent the same power. They controlled the local military organization, and exercised extensive police power.

They attended the thing in the capacity of police officers to maintain peace and order, and they were still regarded by the people as their chieftains. They usually belonged to the old aristocracy, and although they exercised their power in the name of the king, they were quite independent of royal authority because of their rank and influence. The Armand were the king's real representatives in local administration.

They were overseers of the royal estates, collectors of taxes, and procured the necessities for the entertainment of the king and his herd when he stayed in their district. They had to meet at the thing to maintain the king's cause. They should say to it that the thing was assembled at the right time, and should arrange for the election of Nefendarmen, or members of the log thing. It was their duty, also, to keep in custody

persons under arrest, and to inflict on them the punishments imposed by the thing. But they were of low birth, often they were freed slaves, and they were neither loved nor respected by the people. When determined resistance was offered, they were often unable to execute efficiently the duties of their office. In such a case, the lendermand might from sheer kind-heartedness condescend to aid them. But as the armand stood under the supervision of the king, not of the lendermand,

we may be sure that such assistance was both rarely and grudgingly given. In cases of special lack of efficiency in the local administration, or for special purposes, the king would appoint one of his trusted men as his sisalmand, or personal representative, clothed with an authority superior even to that of the lendermand. But such appointment was not permanent, except in faraway districts like Holagaland and Jemtland. The Sisslemand were royal officials, men of standing

and ability. They had all the duties and powers of the armand, except that of acting as overseers over the royal estates, which was considered menial service. They also performed many of the duties of the lendermand. They had police power, collected fines and taxes, and assembled the thing, where they proclaimed new laws in the king's name. They acted as prosecutors and defended the people and their rights over against the clergy. As royal deputies, they had numerous

duties and possessed great power. The appointment of Sisselman grew more common in the 12th century, but during the period of the civil wars, while the king exercised only a nominal authority, this institution could not be of very great importance. Not till in King Sferra's time can it be said to have developed into a general and permanent system of local administration. After the Battle of Nidaros, he appointed Sisselmend in the whole of Trandilagin.

The office does not seem to have been established everywhere in the kingdom in his reign, but it was rapidly extended under his successors. The Armand continued for a time to act as subordinate officials under the Sisselmend, but as the more important functions of their office were delegated to him, they became superfluous and gradually disappeared.

The Lenderman institution was left intact. Sferer pursued conciliatory policy, and left the lendermen in undisturbed possession of their lands and powers. He even appointed many of them as his sisalmaned. But in the civil wars, their ranks had been greatly thinned, and Sferer rewarded many of his own men by elevating them to this rank even if they were men of humble birth.

Many of his followers he married to the widows and daughters of those who had fallen in the wars. He thereby attached the lendermen class more closely to himself, and by appointing them sizzle-maned, they became royal officials dependent on the king, while the office of lendermann, stripped of its old significance, gradually became an empty title. Of no less significance was the change made by King Sverre in the hitherto obscure office of

Lagmand, Old Norse, Lwagmavar. Much difference of opinion has prevailed regarding the origin of this institution in Norway. R. Kaiser, P. A. Munch, and Frederick Brandt held that the office of Lagmand was created by Sverre, that before his time the word Lagmand signified a man well-versed in the law, who exercised no prescribed function in the judicial system. Conrad Maurer held that the Lagmand were a separate class, distinct from the Lendermand and the people. He points to the

very closely related institution of Lagsigemand, the leader of the Thing in Iceland, and the Lagmand in Greenland, the Faroe Islands, and Jankland, and finds that the existence of this institution in the Norwegian colonies can only be explained by supposing that it also existed in the mother country. Ebba Hertzberg does not fully agree with either view, but holds that the office of Logmand dates from an earlier period than Spera's reign, which is shown especially by Sigurd

Ronneson's noted case, where the Logmander mentions several times. Then King Oystein asked the logmind if it was law in Norway that bundes should judge kings. The logmind answered that suits between kings would have to be tried at the other thing. When the laws, in course of time, became more numerous and complicated, few knew them well, and those who were to render decisions at the thing would naturally ask the opinion of those who were well-versed in the law.

In course of time, says Hertzberg, the word logmind came to designate one who was well-versed in the law, who at the thing was requested to give his opinion as to the law, and thus for the occasion acted as logmand. This view must be regarded as the one which is best supported by the evidence of the old writers. Several such logmand were present both at the Filch's thing and the log thing, but they were not officially appointed. Archbishop Oystein attempted also to give the

clergy control over the courts of law by making a regulation that at the thing the lawbook should be read by a priest, who would thereby get the office of principal logmend. King Svar's attention had probably been directed to this important office by Oisting's attempt. He reduced the number of logmend, and made them royal officials appointed by the king. The duty of the logmend should be to give his oorskart, i.e. to state the law according to which the lagrita should decide

the case. It became customary also to bring cases before the logmend outside of the thing, and to settle them according to his oorskirt, or legal opinion. This relieved people of the burden of expensive litigation at the thing. At first, the contesting parties would not necessarily have to abide by the oorskirt of the lagman, but by a law of 1244 a fine of three marks was imposed on anyone who disregarded the oorskirt.

The lagman had become a high judicial functionary appointed by the king. He exercised great influence over the judiciary, and tended to strengthen greatly the monarchic principles. Over against the hierarchy, King Sfera asserted the principle of the sovereign power of the king in all affairs within the realm with more uncompromising vigor. He not only annulled

the Agreement of 1164, but also all the laws inspired by Archbishop Oestein, by which this prelate had sought to enhance the privileges of the clergy at the expense of royal power. The struggle of the church soon waxed very bitter, since Oestein's successor, Archbishop Eric, who had been elected in spite of Sverre's protest, was an avowed opponent of the king and a most determined advocate of church supremacy. The archbishop based his claim on the new code of

church laws called Goldfjölder, a revision of the older laws completed under the supervision of Archbishop Oystein, in which many privileges were granted the church. Sverre refused to acknowledge these laws and appealed to the laws of St. Olaf as they were found in the old code Graugos from the time of Magnus the Good. He declared that Erling Skaka ought not to have broken the laws of Olaf the saint to have his son appointed king. For Magnus was not rightly chosen,

inasmuch as never before since Norway became Christian has one been king who was not a king's son, nor yet in heathen times. King Sferra regarded as unlawful usurpation every innovation introduced by Erling Skaka and King Magnus, and would force the church to surrender its illegally obtained privileges. One subject of dispute between them was the old law and practice by which the king and the yeomen should build churches, if they wished, on their own homesteads

and at their own cost, and should themselves have control of the churches and appoint priests thereto. But the archbishop claimed rule and authority in each church as soon as it was consecrated, and over all those whom he permitted to officiate in them. The king requested that the law should hold, but the archbishop refused. Svera also demanded that the taxes which the archbishop levied in his diocese should be reduced to what they had been before the time of Magnus,

and that he should not keep more than thirty armed followers, the number prescribed by law. The archbishop, he said, has no need of a bodyguard, or of warriors, or of a ship all bedecked with shields, and he so far exceeds what the law says that he sails in a smack having twenty benches manned by ninety men or more, and bedecked with shields from stem to stern. We, Berkabiner, will call to mind the ship sent by the archbishop to attack us under the Hatterhammer, and that we

thought the same two-heartedly manned by his huscarls. So too in Bergen, when we attacked the fleet, the archbishop's ship and his company were much readier with their weapons to fight against us than with the king's company. I should think it more righteous before God if the archbishop had no guardsmen beyond what is lawful, for no one will plunder him or the church property, and if he used the cost to set men to the quarries to transport stone to do masons' work, so as to

advance the building of the minster for which preparations have already been made. The archbishop made an arrogant reply, and Sverre declared that within five days he would outlaw the men which he might have in excess of the prescribed number. The archbishop thereupon fled to Denmark. Another controversy arose over the election of bishops. Sverre claimed the right to control their election, and maintained that in early Christian times the bishops were chosen by the

king. This practice had been adhered to in the time of Saint Olaf, and even in the days of Boistain, Sigrid, and Inga, the sons of Harold Gilla. The concessions made by King Magnus he wholly disregarded, and the right of the clergy to elect the bishops, which had been conceded in principle even in the reign of the sons of Harold Gilla, he interpreted to mean that in case two or more kings ruled jointly and could not agree on a candidate, the clergy might elect. He says about

the right of election in his speech against the clergy, We have heard these people, the clergy, state that the king has surrendered this right and has given it to them. But anyone will perceive, whom God has given understanding in the bosom, that even if the king would relinquish this power he could not do so, inasmuch as he must account for it to God himself.

For God will call the king to account for everything which he has given the kingdom, and in like manner we will hold the bishop responsible for everything he has given the bishopric. One cannot alter it for the other by giving or receiving, as this is contrary to God's own disposition and command. When a new bishop was to be elected for the Diocese of Stavanger, the choice fell on Nicholas Arneson, a half-brother of King Inge and Orm Kongsbother.

Nicholas was a staunch adherent of King Magnus and had fought against Sfera in the Battle of Illevoldina. The king, who feared that he would use his influence to support the archbishop and to strengthen the hierarchic party, refused to sanction the election. But the cunning Nicholas wrote a letter to the queen, and she interceded for him. Sfera yielded to her pleadings and sanctioned the choice. The bishop-elect was transferred to the Diocese of Oslo, and in later events he comes into the foreground as the most sinister figure in Norwegian history.

His misfortune has been that little is known about him save what is told in the Sverdras saga, which was written by his enemies, and all posterity has learned to regard him as the treacherous arch-conspirator, the very incarnation of evil. This view is no doubt both erroneous and unjust, but it finds its explanation in the fact that he became the real organizer and leader of the hierarchic aristocratic opposition party known as the Bagla, and fanned into flame the passions of party spirit and civil strife. Nicholas exhibited talent mixed with cunning and selfishness. He must have been educated,

but he had probably no specific religious training. His martial spirit indicates that he lacked true religious feeling, and he seems to have been partisan and narrow. His career shows him to have been a chieftain of the old type rather than a bishop. The Sverres saga relates that it happened one day while Sverre lay in the Seamsfjord that his men rode him in a cutter close under the land. Bishop Nicholas explained to him, Why don't you come on land, Sverre? Are you not

willing to fight now, you renegade? You think no life equal to that of robbing and harrying. Now I will wait for you here. Behold my sleeve, and with that he held up his shield. The mitre and staff which by the Pope's command I bear against you are this helmet and sword. I will carry these weapons until you are slain or driven from your realm. However we may regard the words quoted by the saga writer, they probably give a correct picture of

the warlike prelate in martial array, hostile and bitter in his opposition to King Sfera. That the position taken by Sfera would produce a renewed conflict with both the hierarchy and the aristocracy might be expected. Archbishop Eric was well received in Denmark by the powerful Archbishop Absalon, who gave him all possible aid. He instructed Abbot William of Ebelholt to write a letter to the Pope in Eric's behalf and describe the king's action against the Archbishop and the Church. The letter emphasized especially that Sfera had requested the Archbishop to crown him, but he had refused to do so except with the consent of the Pope.

This had made Sfera and his whole army angry, as he claimed that in such an affair he was not dependent on the favor of the Pope, since kings might let themselves be anointed wherever and by whomsoever they pleased. The letter received no immediate answer. Pope Clement III died in April 1191, and the new Pope, Celestine III, was too much occupied with affairs in Germany and Italy to devote much attention to the faraway province of Norway. In 1193, the two archbishops

sent men to Rome with a new letter, and now the Pope issued a bull in which he placed Archbishop Eric and his successors under his apostolic protection, confirmed all rights and privileges of the Norwegian clergy, and made new regulations. The bull concludes with the threat that whoever resists it shall lose his authority, his title of honor, and shall be excommunicated. Sverre did not long enjoy peace even after the overthrow of the Heklungs and the death of Magnus Erlingsson.

New armed hosts were constantly placed in the field against him by the nobles. These strong bands, which were usually recruited from the most lawless elements, did much harm, and Svera's ability as a general was often taxed to the utmost to defend the various sections of the kingdom against them. But their operations were planless raids, which the saga gives undue prominence,

and pictures with unnecessary minuteness of detail. After the Battle of Fimreta, the followers of Magnus took from the Hovedur Monastery, at Oslo, a monk known as Jan Kovlung, whom they hailed as king, claiming that he was a son of Inge Krokrig. The clergy and aristocracy supported him, and as all adventurers and lawless elements joined his standards, Sverre found it difficult enough to cope with the Kovlungs, as these bands

of rebels were called. They captured Bergen and took the Sverreburg, which the king had built in the city. Another time, they seized Trondheim and destroyed the Sverreburg of that city, But they were finally taken unawares by Sverre in Bergen. Jon Kovlung fell, and he was proven to be a simple imposter, the son of a man by the name of Peter and his wife Astrid.

Even before the Kovlungs had been scattered, a new band of rebels and marauders, the Varbelgs, made their appearance in Marker, a border district of southeastern Norway. Their leader, Sigurd, an Icelander of low birth, claimed to be a son of King Inge Kokrig.

He was defeated and slain by the angry farmers, but after the fall of the Kovlungs, the chieftains put forward another pretender, Viker, a mere child, who had been brought from Denmark and was said to be a son of Magnus Erlingsen. The Varbelgs were finally defeated at Bristein by the men from Tunsberg, and Viker was slain. During the next two years, 1190-1192, no band of rebels disturbed the kingdom, and a joint crusade to the Holy Land was organized in Denmark and Norway. After Jerusalem had been captured by the Turks in 1187, Pope Gregory VIII preached a new crusade against the infidels, and the three most powerful sovereigns in Europe at that time, Frederick Barbarossa of Germany, Philip Augustus II of France, and Richard Cur de Lyon of England became the leaders of the Third Crusade. The papal legates also came to Denmark with letters from the Pope,

and met King Canute Valdemarsson at a diet assembled in Odense. The great noble Ethburn Snara arose and urged the Danes to forget their domestic quarrels, and to use their strength and resources to rescue the Holy Sepulchre. Many Danish nobles took the cross and sailed to Konghele, Norway, where Ulf Alflaavnäs, one of King Sverre's ablest Berkabine chieftains, lay ready to join him.

Warriors from all the three Scandinavian countries joined in this crusade. Bernardus Thessararius says, Norsemen, Goethe, and the other inhabitants of the islands which lie between the north and the west, tall and warlike people, despising death, came armed with battleaxes and sailing on round ships called Snechar.

Lluvof Laovnus became the leader, and he was the most experienced seaman. They first sailed to Bergen, where the Danish chieftains visited King Svera and asked his forgiveness for having aided the rebel bands which had risen against him. Svera readily granted them his pardon, embraced them as his friends, and wished them a safe journey. On their voyage across the North Sea, they suffered much from stormy weather,

and when they reached Friesland, they decided to leave their damaged ships and journey overland. They marched along the Rhine and finally reached Venice, where they chartered a ship to transport them to the Holy Land. They reached Palestine in September 1192, just as Richard Cur de Lyon had made a truce with Saladin, and was about to depart for home. They could, therefore, take no part in military operations, and after visiting the Holy City and the River Jordan, some returned to

Constantinople, where they were well received by the Greek emperor Isaac Angelus and his Varangian guards, while others returned by way of Rome. Ulf Aflafnes is not mentioned in later events in Norway, and it is possible that he lost his life on the expedition. The brief period of peace which followed the overthrow of the Kuvlungs and Farbelgs was but a lull before the storm. In the spring of 1193, a new band of rebels had been organized. They were called Oyskjäger,

because they had assembled in the Orkney Islands. Halkil Jonsson, who was married to Ragenhild, a sister of Magnus Erlingsson, Sigurd Erlingsson, a son of Erlingskaka, Olaf Jarlsmaug, a brother-in-law of Jarl Harald Madedsen of the Orkneys, and Bishop Nicholas Arneson were the leaders of this new uprising, and the boy Sigurd, a son of Magnus Erlingsen, was their candidate for the throne. After successful operations in Viken, they sailed to Bergen and tried to capture the city,

but they were unable to take the Sveterborg, and on Palm Sunday the following spring, King Svara defeated them in the Battle of Floravog, west of Bergen. Halkal Jonsson, Sigurd Erlingsson, Olaf Jarlsmaug, and the pretender Sigurd Magnussen lost their lives. King Sverre went to Viken and summoned before him Bishop Nicholas, who had to admit that he was implicated in the rebellion. To appease the irate king, he agreed to crown him.

Sverre summoned the bishops of Hamar and Stavanger to meet in Bergen, where he was crowned by Bishop Nicholas June 29, 1194. He also caused an English clerk, Martin, to be chosen bishop of Bergen to succeed Bishop Paul, who died before the Battle of Floravog. In the summer of the same year, the Pope excommunicated Sverre, and on the 18th of November he also published a bowl of excommunication against the Norwegian bishops, which should take

effect if they continue to show obedience to the king. Sverre summoned the bishops to meet at a council of magnates assembled in Bergen to confer with him about the situation. They all promised to remain faithful to him, and it was decided to send messengers to the Pope to place the situation in Norway in its right light. Bishop Nicholas Arneson seems to have protested his faithfulness to the king, like the other bishops, but as soon as he had returned to Oslo he went

to Denmark, joined Sverre's enemies, and received absolution from Archbishop Erich for having crowned him. Jarl Harald Maddison of the Orkneys was also present in Bergen to obtain King Sverre's pardon for having tolerated the Oys Jäger in his dominions. The king granted him pardon, but did not let him escape unpunished. He confiscated the estates of those who had taken part in the uprising, and separated the Shetland Islands permanently from the Jardom of the Orkneys,

and joined them to the kingdom of Norway. These islands were henceforth governed by a royal Sissilement. End of chapter 62.